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标题 作者 关键词 领域 辑号 下载
尔苏沙巴《虐曼史达》图画文字解读 王德和,陆铭宁 尔苏; 沙巴 ;图画; 文字;虐曼史达 应用、理论、综合 45
稿件标题尔苏沙巴《虐曼史达》图画文字解读
英文标题Unscrambling Ershu Shaba’s Picture Writing-Nomasida
作者姓名王德和,陆铭宁
作者单位西昌学院
领域应用、理论、综合
关键词尔苏; 沙巴 ;图画; 文字;虐曼史达
中文摘要
尔苏沙巴《虐曼史达》[ȵo55ma55sɿ33ta55]是至今仍在尔苏民间经常使用的重要经书,尔苏沙巴所用图画文经书已日渐引起学术界关注。能够识读尔苏沙巴图画文字的老沙巴已为数不多,抢救性挖掘研究成为十分迫切的工作。我们通过访问尔苏老沙巴,对甘洛版本《虐曼史达》的文本进行初步研究。
英文摘要
Ershu Shaba’s Nomasida is an important scripture often used by the Ersu people till now. Ershu Shaba Picture Writing has gradually raised attention from more scholars. Due to the old Shabas who can read Ershu Shaba Script are few in number in Ershu, salvage research has become an extremely urgent task. Through visiting old Shabas in Ershu, the author carried out preliminary study on the script of Nomasida of Ganluo version.
字数10099
历史比较法和层次分析法 秋谷裕幸、韩哲夫 历史比较法 层次分析法 高本汉 原始闽语 构拟 假音类 语音、方言、理论 45 下载
稿件标题历史比较法和层次分析法
英文标题The Role of the Comparative Method and Stratum Analysis in the Reconstruction of Chinese Dialect History
作者姓名秋谷裕幸、韩哲夫
作者单位日本爱媛大学、美国华盛顿大学
领域语音、方言、理论
关键词历史比较法 层次分析法 高本汉 原始闽语 构拟 假音类
中文摘要
目前越来越多的汉语方言学者认为传统的历史比较法(comparative method)不一定能够很好地处理汉语方言音韵史上的各种问题,而提出了层次分析法以弥补历史比较法的不足。其实,层次分析法的目的和内容与历史比较法不完全相同。本文旨在通过具体事例的分析论述历史比较法和层次分析法的异同,进而协调这两种方法,使它们结合起来更好地为汉语方言音韵史服务。
英文摘要
There is an increasingly prevalent view among Chinese dialectologists that the traditional historical-comparative method is unable to adequately account for all aspects of Chinese dialect history.  In its place they have proposed the method of stratum analysis (cengci fenxifa).  This paper argues that the goals of the two methods are in fact not the same, and therefore both techniques must be judiciously employed in order to arrive at a more complete understanding of Chinese dialect history. Concrete examples of problems in Chinese dialectology are presented to show how the two methods can be combined to yield better results than either one alone.
字数46751
试论苗瑶语“半”类语素的音变 中西裕树 苗瑶语 苗语支语言 “半”类语素 音变 原始形式 应用 45
稿件标题试论苗瑶语“半”类语素的音变
英文标题The sound change of the morpheme “half” in the Hmong-Mien Languages
作者姓名中西裕树
作者单位同志社大学语言文化教育研究中心
领域应用
关键词苗瑶语 苗语支语言 “半”类语素 音变 原始形式
中文摘要
本文通过音韵比较,探讨苗瑶语“半”类语素的原始形式。主要讨论苗语支的几个语言和方言从原始苗语支语言(Proto-Hmongic)分离以后的音变,以解释一些苗语支语言中“半”所显示的不规则形式。
英文摘要
Through a phonological comparison, this paper examines the proto form of the morpheme “half (半)” in Hmong-Mien, mainly investigating sound changes of “half” in dialects and regional variants after separating from their archetype (Proto-Hmongic) in order to explain the irregular form of “half” in some Hmongic Languages.
字数11881
云澳闽方言鼻化韵初探 张静芬 云澳方言 鼻化韵 鼻音声母 去鼻化 语音、方言 45
稿件标题云澳闽方言鼻化韵初探
英文标题Research on Nasal Finals in Yun’ao Southern-Min Dialect
作者姓名张静芬
作者单位北京大学中文系
领域语音、方言
关键词云澳方言 鼻化韵 鼻音声母 去鼻化
中文摘要
本文从区分层次和演变的角度探讨云澳方言(地处潮汕地区的海上小岛,但与漳泉方言接近)鼻化韵的成因,及与其相关的古鼻音声母,兼及厦门方言。探讨发现,以上两问题在本地、外来两层次上的情况不同。在本地层次上,咸山宕梗四个中古主元音为低的韵摄的阳声韵发生了鼻尾韵变鼻化韵的演变,闽南方言普遍发生的中古鼻音声母“去鼻化”音变发生在以上山类鼻化韵产生之后,因为“去鼻化”音变只发生在非鼻化韵之前,而山类鼻化韵前的鼻音声母仍保留下来,所以使闽南方言本地层次形成鼻音声母只配鼻化韵、塞音声母只配非鼻化韵的共时搭配格局。在之后的外来层次上,闽南方言的情况不同:云澳方言的外来文读突破了本地层如上的声韵搭配限制,在鼻音声母前只将口元音韵改造为鼻化韵,按照北方权威方言的规则,鼻音声母除可配鼻化韵外,还可配鼻尾韵和塞尾韵;而厦门方言则坚持本地层次的声韵搭配格局对外来音进行了匹配改造。除以上主要因素外,云澳方言的鼻化韵成因还与声母  、类推、鼻化小称词等因素相关。最后,本文列出云澳方言所有本字不明的鼻化韵。
英文摘要
We discuss the causes of formation of nasal finals and its associated nasal initials from the perspective of distinguishing stratum and evolution in Yun’ao Southern-Min dialect. We find that the nasal finals and nasal initials both have different situations in literal stratum and oral stratum. In oral stratum, the positive rhymes “xian, shan, dang, geng ” change into nasal finals, their main vowels’ distinguishing feature is [+ low]. Nasal initials experienced denasalization if the finals are not nasalized. So we have the matching pattern that nasal initials only appear before the nasal finals and stop initials are only match with non-nasal finals. In literal stratum, the situations are different among Southern-Min dialects: Yun’ao dialect breaks the constraints in oral stratum, nasal initials can appear before the nasal ending finals and stop ending finals; Xiamen dialect insists on its constraints in oral stratum and makes corresponding modifications of the literal forms. Beside the causes above, the formation of nasal finals in Yun’ao dialect is related to initial “”, analogy and nasal diminutive forms, etc. At last, we list all the nasal finals of unknown words.
字数16225
闽南方言的 b l g 声母 林晴 鼻音声母 鼻冠浊塞音 闽南方言 莆仙方言 语音、方言 45
稿件标题闽南方言的 b l g 声母
英文标题Initials [b l g] in South-Min Dialects
作者姓名林晴
作者单位北京大学
领域语音、方言
关键词鼻音声母 鼻冠浊塞音 闽南方言 莆仙方言
中文摘要
本文探讨古明、泥、疑三个鼻音声母在今闽南方言中分读 m n ŋ和 b l g 的现象。我们通过考察这一现象在厦门、潮州、台湾等不同地域的共时表现,推测其历时的演变过程。本文认为,早期闽南方言的鼻音声母在元音韵和塞尾韵前发生口腔化音变,因而从 m n ŋ中分化出 b(mb)、l(nd)、g(ŋg)来,之后又发生了一系列变化,造成如今闽南方言各地不同的局面。另外,我们还讨论了莆仙方言中来自古明、泥、疑母的p t k声母,认为它们与闽南方言的b l g同源。
英文摘要
The MC nasal initials Ming(明), Ni(泥) and Yi(疑) each has two kinds ofpronunciations in many South-Min dialects,which are usually described as [m n ŋ] and [b l g]. The concrete condition to separate the two is varied among different South-Min dialects. This paper studiedthe cause of this seemingly irregular phenomenon based on a comprehensive research into different dialects represented by Xiamen(厦门), Chaozhou(潮州),and Taiwan(台湾). We inferred that an original nasal group [m n ŋ] turned into the nonnasal group [b l g], which are actually [mb nl ŋg], under the phonetic change of anticipatory assimilation before rhymes consist of pure vowels(v) or vowel nucleus with plosive ending(vk) while others remainednasal. After that, different South-Min dialects have undergone some different changes leading to the varied situation today. Besides, we found out that the [p t k] in Puxian(莆仙) dialect has a close correspondence with the [b l g] in South-Min dialect, so we included them into our discussion.
字数6379
汉语普通话语句重音的嗓音发声研究 尹基德 语句重音,电声门图(EGG),速度商,Ee值,高频能量 语音、应用 45
稿件标题汉语普通话语句重音的嗓音发声研究
英文标题The Phonation Characteristics of Sentence Focus in Mandarin
作者姓名尹基德
作者单位北京大学中文系
领域语音、应用
关键词语句重音,电声门图(EGG),速度商,Ee值,高频能量
中文摘要
以往对汉语重音的研究主要是利用基频、音长和振幅,根据基频高低、音长长短和振幅大小,得出在重音的声学性质上男女基本相同的结果。本文通过对汉语嗓音的电声门图和语音的声学研究发现男女声重音的嗓音表现其实不一样,这说明仅仅利用基频、音长和振幅并不能很好解释重音的基本生理机制。本项研究对汉语语句重音的嗓音特征进行了实验研究,通过电声门图的基频、开商和速度商等参数来分析观察嗓音的生理特征,并利用语音能量和LF模型的Ee值分析来观察声学特征。研究结果表明:1)女声重音在高音调段基频大幅上升、开商上升和速度商下降。2)男声重音在高音调段基频小幅上升,开商的变化不太明显,速度商不降反升。Ee值和语音能量之间的回归分析结果表明,男声重音的高频能量比女声大,这表示在高音段男女重音的嗓音发声方式不同,即男声主要通过提高高频能量来表达重音。3)女声重音在低音调时表现为基频小幅下降、开商下降和速度商上升。4)男声重音在低音调时表现为基频小幅下降、开商上升和速度商上升。男女重音在低音调时虽然基频的变化不大,但速度商上升,这充分反映了低音调挤喉音的特征,主要用提高高频能量来表现重音。通过对汉语重音嗓音的研究,使我们更直观地了解了汉语重音的基本生理机制,为进一步研究汉语重音的感知提供了生理和声学的基础知识。
英文摘要
As for one of the melodic features of Mandarin prosody, we conduct an experimental study on the phonation characteristics of sentence focus. The results show that there are obvious sex differences at the high tone region. The focused syllables of the female voice are characterized by F0 rising, OQ increasing and SQ decreasing, which is consistent with the basic characteristics of weak falsetto phonation. But those of the male voice are characterized by SQ increasing, which is related to the raised spectral amplitude in the higher frequency region. The result of linear regression analysis between Ee parameter and intensity shows that the male voice needs more spectral amplitude of the higher frequency region than the female voice. This means that the male voice increases the spectral energy of the higher frequency region, but the female voice increases that of the lower frequency region; at the low tone region, focused syllables of both male and female voices are characterized by slightly lowered F0 and increased SQ, which is consistent with the main features of creaky voice. Although F0 variation is not a big margin, the increased spectral amplitude of the higher frequency region is the significant feature of low tone focus.
字数13362
过去已然事件句对“了1”“了2”的选择 徐晶凝 语法体 情状体 有指 完整体 现汉、语法 45
稿件标题过去已然事件句对“了1”“了2”的选择
英文标题Le1 and Le2 in Past Events
作者姓名徐晶凝
作者单位北京大学对外汉语教育学院
领域现汉、语法
关键词语法体 情状体 有指 完整体
中文摘要
本文在前人研究的基础上,结合动词的情状体类型,在书面叙述体语篇中,观察过去已然事件句中“了1”与“了2”的分布。研究发现,(1)在叙述体语篇中,表达过去已然事件时,“V了O”的使用频率远远高于“VO了”。不过,动词为静态动词时,“V了O”与“VO了”的使用频率没有显著差异。(2)在过去已然事件的表达中,“了1”和“了2”都是完整体标记,只是因语篇信息表达的需要而分别置于词尾和句尾。(3)总体来说,“VO了”表达了说话人对事件在事件进展链条上的关注,而“V了O”则关注事件自身的终结,突出动作所涉及到的客体(即宾语)。(4)动词的情状体很大程度上影响了“VO了”与“V了O”在语篇中的意义及其对宾语的选择限制。
英文摘要
This paper observes the distributions of Le1 and Le2  in written narrative discourses in the theoretical schema of situational aspects. It claims that it is important to carry out the study of le in discourses and consider its combinations with different situational aspects. This paper comes to the following conclusions: (1) in narrative discourses, “V了O” is more frequently used to indicate past events than “VO了”.However, when the verb is stative verb, there is no significant difference of usage frequency. (2 ) When used in past events, Le1 and Le2 are both perfectivity markers. They are put after the predicate-verb or in the end of the sentence by the speaker according to the requirement of information conveyance in the discourse. (3) “VO了” is used to highlight the progression of events, while “V了O” is used to focus on the completion of the event and highlight the relevant object of the action. (4) the situational aspect of verbs determines the discourse meanings of “VO了”and “V了O”, and also influences the feature of the object s in the two constructions.
字数13811
“有的是”的语用分析及其词汇化补议 张文贤 李宇凤 有的是 回应语境 词汇化 现汉、语法 45
稿件标题“有的是”的语用分析及其词汇化补议
英文标题ZHANG Wenxian&LI Yufeng, Complementary Notes On the pragmatic analysis of youdeshi(有的是) and its lexicalization
作者姓名张文贤 李宇凤
作者单位北京大学对外汉语教育学院
领域现汉、语法
关键词有的是 回应语境 词汇化
中文摘要
“有的是”用于对“缺乏”情况的回应。“有”与显现的或隐含的“无”相对应,致使“有的是”在表示“很多”时具备“不怕缺乏”的语用意义。从历时来看,“有的是”依赖于对话语境,是存在表述“有的+是”的词汇化。
英文摘要
The context of youdeshi(有的是) is the response to the concern of ‘lack’.You(有)responds to the explict or implicit wu(无),therefore youdeshi(有的是) has the pragmatic meaning of ‘don’t concern about lacking’ when it means ‘having plenty’. From the diachronical point of view, youdeshi(有的是) relies on interlocution contexts. Youdeshi(有的是) is the lexicalization of ‘youde+shi’(有的+是)which means existence.
字数9295
语音对应的两种放宽模式及其后果——以彝白比较为例 汪锋 普遍对应 完全对应 词阶法 语言接触 白语 彝语 理论 44
稿件标题语音对应的两种放宽模式及其后果——以彝白比较为例
英文标题Two models to loosen the requirement of sound correspondence and their consequences-- With a Comparison of the Bai Language and the Yi Language
作者姓名汪锋
作者单位北京大学中文系
领域理论
关键词普遍对应 完全对应 词阶法 语言接触 白语 彝语
中文摘要
普遍对应和完全对应是语言比较工作中要坚持的客观标准。本文分析认为普遍对应体现的是原始形式的时间深度,而完全对应重在排除偶然因素。在语言比较中,如果放宽普遍对应上的要求,晚期语言接触造成的因素就会对语源判断造成更大的干扰;如果放宽完全对应上的要求,偶然对应就会混入。本研究尝试考察在不同的条件放宽下语言间关系语素集的变化。根据原始白语和原始彝语之间关系语素的变化,结合词阶法分析,我们发现,如果放宽普遍对应上的要求,低阶关系语素的增长速度要超过高阶的速度,甚至造成与最严格条件下的彝白关系语素分布完全相反的趋势,通常是前者显示同源关系时,后者表现为语言接触关系。如果放宽完全对应上的要求,低阶关系语素的增长速度与高阶的增长速度没有大的差别,更不会造成与严格条件下的词阶分布相反的情况。因此,本文认为,在应用词阶法分析语源关系时,应该严格坚持普遍对应以最大限度地剔除晚期借用的干扰,而在关系语素数量不足的情况下,可以适当放宽完全对应方面的要求。
英文摘要
In comparative studies, pervasiveness and completeness of sound correspondence are two criteria for a rigorous basis. It is argued in this paper that pervasiveness of sound correspondence reflects the time depth of protoforms, whereas completeness of sound correspondence is used to exclude chance resemblances. If loosen the requirement of pervasiveness, more borrowed elements will be brought in the comparison, and they will interfere with the recognition of genetic relationship. If loosen the requirement of completeness, more chance resemblances will infiltrate into the data pool. This study tends to observe the change of the related words between languages under different requirements of two criteria. Applying the Rank analysis to Bai-Yi related words, it is found that, when the requirement of pervasiveness is loosened, the increase of related words in the low rank is faster than that in the high rank, even causing the distribution between ranks opposite to the earlier distribution before such loosening; whereas, when the requirement of completeness is loosened, the increase of related words in the low rank is not significantly different from that in the high rank. Therefore, it is suggested to insist on strict requirement of pervasiveness in order to exclude the interference from borrowings to the greatest degree when using rank analysis to recognize the genetic status between languages, and the requirement of completeness could be loosened with certain control when related words are insufficient.
字数33217
林州方言“子”尾读音暨子尾、子变韵两条演变链的衔接 陈卫恒 子尾;子变韵;弱化链;衔接 语音、方言 44
稿件标题林州方言“子”尾读音暨子尾、子变韵两条演变链的衔接
英文标题The Sound Forms of the Suffix Zi(子)in Linzhou Dialect and the link between Zi-suffix as Independent Syllables and Zi-suffix Related Rhyme Alternations
作者姓名陈卫恒
作者单位北京语言大学
领域语音、方言
关键词子尾;子变韵;弱化链;衔接
中文摘要
本文旨在通过林州方言和邻近方言名词后缀“-子”的读音比较,找出其间的联系和差异,从历史角度梳理“-子”的读音演变轨迹,特别是独立音节的“-子”尾到子变韵的演进过程。文章认为,林州方言特别是林州(临淇镇)方言子尾读音的不同变体,包括儿化条件下出现的ªt«r以及特定语音条件下出现的ª/ª/ªu,说明了子尾到子变韵的渐进过程。ªt«r、ª、ª处于子尾演变链的末端,ªu则处于子变韵演变链的首端。
英文摘要
The diminutive suffix zi in Linzhou dialect has several forms, including [ª],[ª],[ªu] and [ªt«r] . The appearance of the first three forms is mainly phonological constrained and the last form [ªt«r] appears when zi is followed by er(儿), another diminutive suffix in Chinese. Based on a comparative study with zi’s sound forms in neighboring dialects, this paper argues that the sound forms of the suffix zi in Linzhou dialect can serve as the intermediate stage in the weakening process of Zi from a suffix as independent syllables to a suffix as dependent morphophonemic elements forming a new syllable with the preceding root morpheme. Whereas [ªt«r],[ª] and[ª] can be taken as forms at the ending stages of the weakening process of zi as the independent syllabic suffix , such a form as [ªu] can serve as the beginning stage of zi as a phonemic suffix, leading to zi-suffix related rhyme alternations.
字数13163
乐亭方言特殊轻声连调研究 艾溢芳 乐亭方言 连读变调 轻声 语音、方言 44
稿件标题乐亭方言特殊轻声连调研究
英文标题A Study on The Special Neutral Tone Sandhi Pattern in Laoting Dialect
作者姓名艾溢芳
作者单位北京大学中文系
领域语音、方言
关键词乐亭方言 连读变调 轻声
中文摘要
乐亭方言轻声双字组有两种连调式,一种属于常见的后字因单字调删除而各个声调中和的调式(本文称为“轻声一”),另一种(本文称为“轻声二”)的表现则非常特殊,且这种轻声连调类型前人罕有研究。在这种连调式中,轻声双字组前字、后字的声调全都发生中和,无论前、后字的单字调是什么,全部被中和成13+42的调式。本文力图通过详细的描写和深入的分析,来找出这一颇具特色的轻声中和现象形成的原因。本文发现,乐亭方言“轻声二”连调式的成因并不是单一的,它涉及共时和历时层面的多个因素,是不同时期各种机制分别作用并互相影响的结果。
英文摘要
In Laoting dialect, neutral toned disyllabic units have two types of tone sandhi, one of which (here called neutral tone I) is also common in other dialects, where the tones of the latter syllables are neutralized as a result of the deletion of their citation tones; and the other type (here called neutral tone II) is quite peculiarly behaved, but has gained less attention before. In this tone sandhi type, both the tones of the former and the latter syllables of those disyllabic units are neutralized, and whatever the citation tones of the former or latter syllables are, they are all turned into the sandhi pattern 13+42. In this article, I attempt to find the causes of this special type of tone neutralization by delicate descriptions and deep analyses. It turns out that this neutral tone II is not caused only by one single factor; instead, it involves several factors, synchronically and diachronically. And this neutral tone II sandhi pattern has emerged as a result of the respective effections and mutual influences of those factors,
字数17461
论领主句中隶属名词和there-be存现句中联系词的语类性质和格位 马志刚 存现句 领主属宾句 隶属名词 语类性质 部分格 类指格 特征 现汉、语法 44
稿件标题论领主句中隶属名词和there-be存现句中联系词的语类性质和格位
英文标题On the Categorial Status and Case Marking of the Possessum Noun in Chinese UCPP and the Associate in English there-be Existential Construction
作者姓名马志刚
作者单位广东外语外贸大学外国语言学家及应用语言学研究中心(词典学研究中心)
领域现汉、语法
关键词存现句 领主属宾句 隶属名词 语类性质 部分格 类指格 特征
中文摘要
英语there-be存现句中的联系词和汉语领主句中的隶属名词都是被引入篇章的无定名词短语,但前者的句法结构只能为可以承载部分格的QP,而后者则有QP和N两种形式,可分别承载部分格和类指格,进而生成常规性领主句和习语性领主句。“糅合造句”理论可以解释“王冕死了父亲”为何应该被归于习语性领主句,为何其中表达抽象类指义的简单名词成分承载的是类指格。本文主张,there-be存现句中的虚指词和联系词本身的特征都不完整,前者仅仅具有人称特征而后者仅仅具有数特征,二者实际上是同一个句法单位的两个组成部分,但出于存现句表达无定语义和联系词承载部分格的需要实现为两个句法单位;而汉语两类领主句的区分则进一步拓展了最简理念;亦即语义蕴含,句法结构和格位形式三者之间具有适切的匹配关系:表定指义的DP承载主格,表量化义的QP承载部分格,表抽象义的简单名词N承载类指格。
英文摘要
The associate in the English there-be existential construction and the possessum noun in UCPP are both indefinite noun phrases introduced into the discourse; the former is a quantifier phrase carrying partitive case and the latter is either a quantifier phrase or a simple N expression, carrying partitive case and generic case respectively, thereby leading to the differentiation of two types of UCPP. “Blending Theory” explains the motivation of classifying “Wang Mian Died his Father” as among idiomatic UCPPs, whose simple N expression is assigned generic case. This article proposes that the expletive there and its associate are both incomplete in feature composition, with the former carrying only [Person] and the latter only [Number](both being integral parts of a whole syntactic unit). Such feature distribution arises out of the need, in the case of English existential constructions, to express indefiniteness in semantics and to carry partitive case in syntax. The differentiation of Chinese UCPP into normal and idiomatic types further expands and crystallizes the minimalist tenet. That is, the semantic import, the syntactic structure and the case marking can be in perfect alignment: DP is assigned nominative case, QP partitive case, simple N generic case.
字数26138
主谓间“有+NP/VP”的句法语义研究 赵春利 石定栩 有字短语 语义类型 句法分布 句法功能 44
稿件标题主谓间“有+NP/VP”的句法语义研究
英文标题A Syntactic and Semantic Study of you-phrases between Subject and Predicate
作者姓名赵春利 石定栩
作者单位暨南大学中文系,香港理工大学中文及双语学系
关键词有字短语 语义类型 句法分布 句法功能
中文摘要
本文主要探讨主谓之间带“地”和不带“地”的有字短语的句法功能及其语义类型。首先,主谓之间的有字短语主要有三种句法功能:状位、述位和高谓;其次,须带“地”进入状位的有字短语主要有选控类、根据类、意念类、情貌类和事态类五种语义类型;第三,可独立作述语的有字短语主要有时空类、权责类、心理类、能力类和方法类五种语义类型;第四,除了形态标记上带不带“地”之外,状位和述位的有字短语在否定、时态、疑问、搭配等句法表现上存在着较大的差异;最后,与词类一样,短语本身也有语义类型及其分布规律问题。短语的语义类型决定了该短语的句法分布规律,而句法位置对短语与其他句法成分的语义关系起着制约作用。
英文摘要
This paper mainly discusses the syntactic functions and semantic types of you-phrases with or without “di” between subject and predicate. First of all, there are three syntactic functions of you-phrases between subject and predicate such as adverbial, predicate and high predicate. Secondly, you-phrases with “di” as adverbial are divided into five semantic types: select-control class, ground class, idea class, spirit class and situation class. Thirdly, you-phrases without “di” as predicate are divided into five semantic types: spatial and temporal class, right-obligation class, mentality class, capacity class and method class. Fourthly, in addition to morphological marker on with or without “di”, great differences between you-phrases as adverbial and as predicate also exist in the other syntactic performances such as negative, tense, question and combination. Finally, like parts of speech, the different phrases can also be divided into different semantic types, but also show different distribution. Semantic types of phrases determine the their syntactic distribution, however, the syntactic position of phrases restricts the semantic relation between they and other syntactic elements.
字数11382
终结性与“(是)……的”焦点结构 麦子茵 “(是)……的”焦点结构 终结性 话题 焦点 预设 受影响者 现汉、语法、语义 44
稿件标题终结性与“(是)……的”焦点结构
英文标题Telicity and the Shi…de Focus Construction
作者姓名麦子茵
作者单位Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Cambridge University
领域现汉、语法、语义
关键词“(是)……的”焦点结构 终结性 话题 焦点 预设 受影响者
中文摘要
本文从事件的终结性的角度来考察“(是)……的”焦点结构在句法和语义上的种种限制,并用语感判断数据和语言事实证明“(是)……的”焦点结构只能用于描述终结性事件(telic event)。事件的终止点必须停留在该结构的预设中,不能提取成为焦点。本文的讨论将证明终结性这一概念的引入能够揭示“(是)……的”焦点句在信息结构方面一些尚未讨论过的特点,同时为各种格式的“(是)……的”焦点句提供更为简洁和统一的语义解释。
英文摘要
This paper approaches the remarkable syntactic and semantic properties of the (shi)…de focus construction from a new angle. Linguistic facts and empirical data collected from acceptability judgment tests suggest that the presupposition of the (shi)…de focus construction must be the result of a telic event. This condition not only accounts for a broad range of previously discussed facts in a neat and unified fashion, but also makes correct predictions on some unnoticed issues.


字数15420
再从语言工程看汉语词类 宋柔 邢富坤 汉语词类,划类标准,词性标注,词例分布,集合分布,词的同一性,两可性歧义 现汉、语法、应用 44
稿件标题再从语言工程看汉语词类
英文标题A Further Study on Chinese Word Classes from the Perspective of Language Engineering
作者姓名宋柔 邢富坤
领域现汉、语法、应用
关键词汉语词类,划类标准,词性标注,词例分布,集合分布,词的同一性,两可性歧义
中文摘要
本文从语言工程的视角讨论汉语词类问题,主要考察现行主流词类系统用于词和词例的词性标注的可行性。文章说明语义对于汉语词类体系有基础性的作用。文章特别指出语法功能分布有词例分布和集合分布之区别。词例分布指的是用词例在语境中的句法角色决定它的词性,而语境分布指的是词例的词类性质取决于与它同形同义的词例的集合。汉语词类划分标准大体上是依据集合分布法制定的。本文分析了集合分布法下兼类处理中的一些问题,从逻辑语义和实践操作的角度说明集合分布法无法用于词例的词性标注。本文进而指出汉语词类划分与同一性认定难分难解,导致汉语词类划分操作的主观性。本文特别指出汉语词例的同一性区分中经常出现一种两可性歧义,这种歧义无法消除也不必消除,但它与词性标注的目标是冲突的。本文最后列出了一篇例文所涉及的词类标注和词例标注的疑问之处。
英文摘要
This article makes a further discussion of Chinese word classes from the perspective of language engineering, focuses to investigate the feasibility of PoS tagging for the type and token of words with the current magistral strategy of word classification. It is pointed out that semantics plays a fundamental role in the classification of Chinese words. The two kinds of syntactic function distributions, Token Distribution and Token-Set Distribution, are distinguished. Token Distribution refers that the syntactic role which a token plays in context determine the the token’s PoS.  Contrarily, Token-Set Distribution refers that the word class a token belongs to must be determined by the set consisting of all tokens which have same form and same meaning. The criteria of Chinese word classification are mostly based on the Token-Set Distribution. This article also exposes the difficulties in dealing with the multiple-class words in Chinese under the strategy of Token-Set Distribution. showes that it is incorrect for Chinese to annotate parts-of-speech (PoS) to the tokens in context from point of view of logical semantics and practical operation . Furthermore, the article indicates that the classification of Chinese words is closely related to the judgment of semantic homogeneity, which brings lot of subjectivity in identifying word class in Chinese. This article discovers and defines a special kind of ambiguity, which is Impossible and Unnecessary to Disambiguate(IUD ambiguity for short),which frequently appears in identifying abstract semantic plate of a token and disturbs the goal of PoS tagging. Finally one sample text is presented, and some questionable points about word classification and PoS annotation are illustrated.
字数35289
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